The French Revolution

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Summoning the Estates

Summer, 1790

As news trickles into Versailles of the collapse of authority in Saint-Domingue, the Crown's hand is forced into action. To date, First Minister Jacques Necker and King Louis XVI had been relying on the income from the colonial empire--especially Saint-Domingue--to pay the Kingdom's debts and keep the country afloat. While it was not a long-term solution, it was buying them the time necessary to find one ahead of the 1795 debt repayments. Now, with the complete collapse in income from the gem of the French imperial crown, the government has no choice: the Estates-General must be summoned to approve the King's planned economic reforms.

Following the suggestions of the Assembly of Notables, the King issues an edict on July 24, a "Lettre du Roi," and a "Règlement." The edict formally announces the summoning of the estates, while the reglement outlines the method of its elections. 1200 delegates (300 from the First and Second Estates, 600 from the Third) are to be held over the fall, and the Estates-General will convene on March 5, 1791. Critically, while members of the Third Estate are not allowed to stand for election in the First or Second, the reverse does not hold true: members of the priesthood or nobility can, rather than stand to be elected by their peers, instead turn to the unwashed masses for their vote. Of course, the "Third Estates" claim to represent the body of the French nation is, in many ways, an exaggeration. Only men of property and stature, in many cases de facto nobles through their economic holdings or by virtue of marriage, are able to effectively contest the upcoming elections.

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The Estates Convene

Spring, 1791

The Estates-General of France are convened, in all their glory and splendor, as planned on March 5, 1791. Though Necker and the King had hoped that the delay in summoning the Estates would provide for the cooling of extremes and the strengthening of their hand. They had not, however, counted on the rebellion in the West Indies destroying the economic lifeline of the French Empire. Increasingly desperate, as the coffers run dry, loan payments are almost unmet and the prospect of a profitable 1792 becomes increasingly dire, the King is forced to go, hat in hand, to his people.

Elections in the fall of 1790 had returned a varied group of delegates. The First Estate, representing the Church, was envisioned as the natural domain of the Bishops. While the Bishops do, indeed, play an outsized role in the estate, the majority of its members are actually a combination of priests and monastics. This results in an estate riven by the class distinction currently bubbling up in France, with the Bishops viewing themselves as ecclesiastic nobles and the clergy as Godly bourgeois. The Second Estate is perhaps the most ardently conservative, as befitting its constituents, but not overwhelmingly so. Liberal ideas, largely based on the Whiggish values held by the gentry across the Channel, are not uncommon in this group.

The third Estate, theoretically representing the majority of the nation, is also quite diverse. There are few outright reactionaries in this body, though there certainly are in the representatives of more conservative and Godly regions, but the majority follow views not dissimilar to the Second Estate liberals. A near uniform desire is seen for the creation of some sort of due representation, and this group is largely mollified when it learns that the Third Estate would receive double the members as the other two Estates. The leaders of this majority are, in fact, largely made up of nobles who have decided to stand in the Third Estate, and advocate heavily for political and economic reforms that will break the stranglehold of the nobility while also retaining a space for the King to exercise substantial powers.

The most interesting faction of the Third Estate, of course, are the radicals. These men are few in number, but draw heavy inspiration from the failed revolutions in the Low Countries. Of course, the defeat of these revolutions and the lack of any actual success stories hampers their ability to make common cause with their peers in the estate, but these men turn to the masses of Paris, in particular, to make their case. The young Lafayette, returned from his sojourn in the Southern Netherlands, is held as a paragon of this body--but even he is held to be far too conservative for some of those lurking at the extremes.

Of course, the King does not actually go hat in hand to this assembled body. Indeed, the convening of the Estates at the Hôtel des Menus-Plaisirs du Roi in Versailles is a distinctly archaic affair. Insisting on the formality of the 1614 precedent, the First and Second Estates are entitled to enter the chamber in their full regalia, while the Third Estate is forced to wear dour and plain clothing. After a long and tedious speech, on the rights of the King, the needs of the Kingdom, and the duties of the subjects, the King departs to equal pomp but little clarity. Necker takes the dais once the King has departed to outline the agenda of the Estates, and the King's wishes:

1) The creation of a National Bank, endowed with sovereign guaranties, to assume the National Debt.
2) The rationalization of all taxes, including by replacing the corvee nationwide with a cash tax.
3) The imposition of uniform land taxes on all landowners, regardless of Estate.
4) Authorization of new Sovereign Loan to fund an expedition to liberate Saint-Domingue from the slave hordes.

Necker concludes by noting that the Estates will be voting by order, not by number. This announcement sends all but the most deferential members of the Third Estate into a state of apoplexy. Under this decision--which, of course, is entirely in line with what the King outlined the previous Fall--the doubled numbers of the Third mean nothing, as they can still be outvoted by the First and Second Estates. When loud advocates of the Third Estate begin haranguing the First Minister on this point, he is forced to beat a quick retreat, noting only that the King would entertain an alteration to this arrangement on the advice of the Estates. Essentially, the Crown aims only to address the issues of taxation and loans, not of representation, and throws the decision to the First and Second Estates to decide whether to grant the Third Estate equal representation.

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A debate breakouts along the Estates over the voting policy announced by the Crown. The Third Estate wanted the estates to meet as one body and for each delegate to have one vote. The other two estates, while having their own grievances against royal absolutism, believed that they stood to lose more power to the Third Estate than they stood to gain from the King.

First and Second Estates are unable to make a decision, as heavy debates break out along its members, as great many of the seconds estate were very bitter at the Kings handling of the recent rural mobs that burnt their estate houses down..

The Estates-General reached an impasse. The some members of Second Estate pushed for meetings that were to transpire in three separate locations, as they had traditionally. The Comte de Mirabeau, a noble himself but elected to represent the Third Estate, tried but failed to keep all three orders in a single room for this discussion. Instead of discussing the King's taxes, the three estates began to discuss separately the organization of the legislature. These efforts continued without success until 15 April, when the nobles voted to stand firm for each estate to verify its members separately. The following day, the Abbé Sieyès (a senior member of the clergy, but, like Mirabeau, elected to represent the Third Estate) moved that the representatives of the Third Estate, who now called themselves the Communes ("Commons"), proceed with verification and invite the other two estates to take part, but not to wait for them.

On 2 May 1791, the Third Estate had arrived at a resolution to examine and settle the powers of the three orders. They invited the clergy and nobles to work with them on this endeavor. On 12 June, with the failure of efforts to reconcile the three estates, the Communes completed their own process of verification and almost immediately voted a measure far more radical: they declared themselves redefined as the National Assembly, an assembly not of the estates, but of the people. They invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear that they intended to conduct the nation's affairs with or without them. As their numbers exceeded the combined numbers of the other estates, they could dominate any combined assembly in which issues were decided based on majority or supermajority votes of its members, rather than the traditional arrangement giving equal decision-making power to each of the three Estates. The Third Estate balked at this traditional arrangement, because the clergy and nobility were more conservative than the commoners and could overrule the Third Estate on any matter 2–1. The Third Estate had initially demanded to be granted double weight, allowing them to match the power of the First and Second Estates, but those estates had refused to accept this proposal....

All this time, the Estates have not even address the issues that the Crown has bought them here for....

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The Commons

Summer, 1791

Necker and the King are at an impasse with the failure of the Estates to even consider the financial issues raised at the start of the convocation. Indeed, not only have they not reflected the King's wishes, they have actively separated themselves from the very purpose of their meeting! Recognizing the spirit of the moment, however, Necker also sees an opportunity to move towards his long-held goal: rationalizing the French state on the model of their opponents across the Channel. Necker, and many French liberals had long sought to emulate the seemingly more effective British system of government, and the success of Britain in the last two wars of the 18th century hammered home Britain's ability to successfully leverage capital and manpower to govern and wage war.

The King is wracked by indecision, but ultimately desires to retain his royal prerogatives and safeguard his subjects. All the while, the French government's inability to mobilize its resources to liberate Saint-Domingue threaten to further enflame tensions, but also provide the government with leverage to force the Third Estate--especially the merchants--to action.

In June, the King thus makes the following decisions:
1) The King will provide royal recognition and support for the body known as "The Commons"--he is unwilling to deem it the "National Assembly--as representatives of the former Third Estate, while also continuing to recognize the prerogatives of the First and Second Estates. However, the King also acquiesces to the demands of the Commons to allow voting to be by head, not by order, granting the Commons the final say in the event of a deadlock.
2) The King continues to propose what was put forward at the opening of the Estates. However, he moves for the body to immediately deliberate and approve a sovereign loan (25 points) to launch an expedition to liberate Saint-Domingue. He (or rather, Necker on his behalf) argues forcefully that, unless a combined Royal force is sent to lift the siege of the island by rebellious slaves, the economy of France's great coastal and merchant houses will be utterly gutted.

Additionally, the King orders the movement of soldiers from the frontier to Versailles, to properly guard the Estates-General from the risk of public disorder. One cavalry brigade from Lille is transferred and dedicated solely to defending the Estates.

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The Commons

Summer, 1791

Necker and the King are at an impasse with the failure of the Estates to even consider the financial issues raised at the start of the convocation. Indeed, not only have they not reflected the King's wishes, they have actively separated themselves from the very purpose of their meeting! Recognizing the spirit of the moment, however, Necker also sees an opportunity to move towards his long-held goal: rationalizing the French state on the model of their opponents across the Channel. Necker, and many French liberals had long sought to emulate the seemingly more effective British system of government, and the success of Britain in the last two wars of the 18th century hammered home Britain's ability to successfully leverage capital and manpower to govern and wage war.

The King is wracked by indecision, but ultimately desires to retain his royal prerogatives and safeguard his subjects. All the while, the French government's inability to mobilize its resources to liberate Saint-Domingue threaten to further enflame tensions, but also provide the government with leverage to force the Third Estate--especially the merchants--to action.

In June, the King thus makes the following decisions:
1) The King will provide royal recognition and support for the body known as "The Commons"--he is unwilling to deem it the "National Assembly--as representatives of the former Third Estate, while also continuing to recognize the prerogatives of the First and Second Estates. However, the King also acquiesces to the demands of the Commons to allow voting to be by head, not by order, granting the Commons the final say in the event of a deadlock.
2) The King continues to propose what was put forward at the opening of the Estates. However, he moves for the body to immediately deliberate and approve a sovereign loan (25 points) to launch an expedition to liberate Saint-Domingue. He (or rather, Necker on his behalf) argues forcefully that, unless a combined Royal force is sent to lift the siege of the island by rebellious slaves, the economy of France's great coastal and merchant houses will be utterly gutted.

Additionally, the King orders the movement of soldiers from the frontier to Versailles, to properly guard the Estates-General from the risk of public disorder. One cavalry brigade from Lille is transferred and dedicated solely to defending the Estates.

To disdain of the Crown officials


The commons demand the King recognition them as their prefer name the National Assembly as the official representatives of the people of France.

July 4th, the Communes invited the other Estates to join them: some members of the First Estate did so the following day. On 5 July 1791, the Communes approved the motion made by Sieyès that declared themselves the National Assembly by a vote of 500 to 70. The Third Estate now believed themselves to be a legitimate authority equal to that of the King. Elements of the First Estate, primarily parish priests who were closer in wealth to the Third Estate compared to the bishops who were closer in wealth to the Second Estate, joined the assembly from 8 June onwards and, on 9 July, the whole of the clergy voted to join the National Assembly. The First and Second Estates to the horror of the Crown were fragmenting into factions that were for the Crown and for the Assembly.

On July 10th, the members of National Assembly received rumors of the Crown planning to send troops to "guard" the Estates was meant with much outrage. They send word to the people of Paris, who were still suffering from high bread price,poor availability of food thanks to recent crop failures and influx of peasants. A mob is organized and led by French women who begin a march to Versailles to force the Crown to hear their plight and to insure no harm happens to the National Assembly. The mob starts marching on July 15th.

On July 15th in Versailles, The Assembly members 576 of the 577 members from the Third Estate took a collective oath "not to separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution of the kingdom is established.

Within the Assembly, there is much debate on the Kings demands in regards to the Saint-Domingue, many of the merchant classes from the coastal regions call for pass some measure. Whereas a new faction who themselves Society of the Friends of the Blacks, French abolitionist call for ban of the slave trade and slavery. However they are still deem to radical at this point, but a growing number of assembly members begin to debating the merits of the slave trade and slavery. There is enough support to mass measure for a loan, however it is subject to the Crown accepting the Assembly conditions.

By July 15th, word soon reach the Assembly that the people of Paris were marching towards Versailles in support of their efforts. They formally send their demands to the King.

1. The Formal Establishment of the National Assembly as the true legislative body with permanent standing. No longer subject to call at will by the King, rather they to be elected and answerable to the people of France.
2. The abolishment of the Parlement system to replace with new civil code and new court system.
3. The Crown will accept a new constitution govern France as constitutional monarchy.
4. The Crown will stand down their troops station near the Assembly.
5. Once terms 1-4 are agreed, then the Assembly will agree to back a loan to quell the revolt in Saint-Domingue.

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As the news of the demands of the National Assembly reaches the royal palace, Louis XVI is sent into one of his historic bouts of indecision. Paralyzed by the thought of acquiescing to the mob, but also loathe to use force against his own subjects, Louis is unwilling to act with any decisiveness. On the one hand, he is unwilling to accept the demands of the National Assembly outright, as they represent an untenable subversion of his ancient rights and duties as Sovereign. On the other, he is unwilling to crush the incipient body, well aware of the violent path that would set his Kingdom down.

Louis is thus frozen, leaving space for Necker to attempt to bridge the gap one last time. Rapidly losing the faith of the court, due to the repeated escalation of the demands of the Third Estate, Necker makes one final push to stave off the path of increasing radicalism. He thus issues the following statements on behalf of his sovereign:

1. The National Assembly shall be recognized by the King as the representative body of the three estates of the Realm, elected in some manner by the people and meeting at regular times. The King does not, however, cede his right to call for new elections for the National Assembly. He also insists upon a veto power against the acts of the National Assembly, though does not formally identify what the limits of that veto power will be.
2. The King acquiesces the abolishment of the Parlements and entrusts the National Assembly with the codification of a new code of law, as in the style of the roman law of old.
3. The King will not accept a written document calling itself a "constitution," as there are no successful examples of such a document. The only attempts at drawing up a constitution have been by radical revolutionaries in the Low Countries. However, the Crown is willing to bequeath rights upon the subjects of France, as Kings William and Mary did in England in 1689.
4. The King will withdraw his protection from the National Assembly, and the soldiers brought from Lille shall instead by allocated to defend the palace.
5. If the National Assembly does not immediately allocate the necessary funds to liberate Saint-Domingue, France shall abandon the colony forthwith.
6. Upon acceptance of the points above, Jacques Necker will resign as First Minister, and the King shall pick his successor from among the leaders of the National Assembly.

Even before the response to the demands is received, however, Louis' willingness to engage with the rabble costs him dearly among his own clan. His cousin Louis-Philippe, duc d'Orleans, enthusiastically promotes the constitutional monarchist cause within the National Assembly, while his brother the Comte d'Artois railsagainst his indecision and threatens to leave France rather than submit to the authority of a peasant rabble.

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July 16, 1791

The national assembly after much internal debate, responses to the King offer

1. No three estates, one assembly to represent the will of the people. The King may not have absolute veto, the assembly has the right to overrule the veto with majority vote.
2. Agreed.
3. Non negotiables, a formal constitution is needed to insure there is no grey areas where conflicts can arise in terms of power how is delegated.
5. The Assembly after much internal debate, decide to permit the King to raise funds to restore law and order in the colony after he agrees to terms 1,3,6.
6. The National Assembly shall vote on whom should represent their interest as First Minister, once the assembly votes on their selection, they will notify the King to formality appoint their candidate as First Minister.

As they soon as they send their reply to the King ,another event was about to occur...

The night of July 16,1791

Meanwhile the outside the gates of Versailles, primary lead by Women from Paris and surrounding general area. Members of the Assembly greeted the marchers and invited into their hall, where their fulminated about the people's need for reasonable priced bread. As they spoke, the restless Parisians came pouring into the Assembly and sank exhausted on the deputies' benches. Hungry, fatigued, and bedraggled from the elements, they seemed to confirm that the siege was a simple demand for food. The unprotected deputies had no choice but to receive the marchers, who shouted down most of the speakers and demanded to hear from the popular reformist deputy Mirabeau. The great orator declined this chance at demagoguery but nonetheless mingled familiarly with the market women, even sitting for some time with one of them upon his knee. A few other deputies welcomed the marchers warmly, including Maximilien Robespierre. Robespierre gave strong words of support to the women and their plight, and his efforts were received appreciatively; his solicitations helped greatly to soften the crowd's hostility towards the Assembly.

With few other options available to him, the President of the Assembly, Jean Joseph Mounier, accompanied a deputation of market-women into the palace to see the king in hopes of seeing and allowing the King to hear them out.

Meanwhile the newly arrived soldiers from Lille, express their support to the mob. Which alarm many of the officers of aristocratic background in the palace guard, who send word to the King to bring troops from more royalist regions like Tours.

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July 16, 1791

Seeking to avoid bloodshed, the King relents after a shockingly little amount of time to the demands of the mob. Though the crowd cajoles and jeers upon its arrival, prodded on by more radical elements of the soldiers, the King moves to disarm the crowd through openly embodying the symbols of the rebels. He orders his stock opened to feed the women, who are given as much bread and food as they can carry on their backs, while publicly donning a "Liberty Cap" thrust in his hands by a nearby enlisted man. He also quickly endorses the proposals sent back by the Assembly. He recognizes all the points put forward by them, and Necker quickly follows his lord's lead by resigning the office of First Minister in front of the crowd--though he, slyly, does not publicly state he is also resigned as Comptroller-General of Finances.

The King's brothers respond with great fury at the news. The Comte d'Artois, always the more impetuous of Louis' siblings, makes a great show of leaving Versailles with his bodyguards to go into the country. The king's youngest brother, the Comte de Provence, similarly storms out of the Palace--but does not leave Versailles, save to go to an estate on the outskirts of town.

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After the July 16 1791, the Assembly spends the next few weeks debating what the constitution should be..

By August 2nd,1791

Abbé Sieyès in consultation with Anglo-American Whigs in Great Britain and North American, presents the following declaration. Influenced by the doctrine of "natural right", the rights of man are held to be universal: valid at all times and in every place. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals protected equally by the law.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Declaration_of_the_Rights_of_Man_and_of_the_Citizen

The Declaration is widely supported as pass bedrock for the new constitution.

Meanwhile another set of decrees were passed by the Assembly known as The August Decrees to abolition of feudalism, other privileges of the nobility, and seigneurial rights. Naturally this outrage many conservative members of the First and Second Estates, but were outvoted by the Assembly.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abolition_of_feudalism_in_France?fbclid=IwAR0z1hD3aB-44sNpaVjlJ8LWP2Ibq6KnxS1M7sz4iI8xV18Fd9AuxuPfluI#August_decrees

[Galveston Bay]

Summer 1791
The British Government, concerned about how some of its citizens are influencing events in France, officially declares that His Majestys Government takes no position on the crisis in France, wishes the French Crown good fortune in finding a peaceful way forward, and of course hopes that the people of France can find a peaceful way to obtain rights in their country that are normal in English speaking lands.

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Summer, 1791

King Louis XVI is left increasingly isolated by the events of what has clearly become a veritable revolution in the affairs of the state. With his more reactionary brothers now in self-imposed domestic exile, the King's precarious position in Versailles is repeatedly buffeted by the demands of the National Constituent Assembly. He is forced to accept the Declaration of the Rights of Man with no qualms, while he responds to the August Decrees by declaring that they represent the "generosity of the first and second estates." To a degree, he is not entirely incorrect--large numbers of the first and second estates did willingly go along with the August Decrees--but the conservative core of elite nobles and bishops respond with great indignation. Many simply march out of the proceedings once and for all, either going to their estates--or, for the first time, slipping across the border into the German states or into Spain.

As the summer progresses, the radical reformist voices lose one of their guiding lights with the passing of the comte de Mirabeau, whose larger-than-life personality (and vices) finally catch up with him. Gilbert du Motier, the Marquis de Lafayette, becomes the driving figure of the National Constituent Assembly, in alliance with Jean Sylvain Bailly. Lafeyette is duly elected the First Minister of France, which the King has no choice but to accept. The two men command the authority of most of the body, as they straddle the revolutionary impulses with the latent respect for the King. Lafayette, despite his adventures in the Southern Netherland, emerges as one of the strongest advocates on the "left" of the assembly calling for a "constitutional monarchy," and he finds a willing ally on the "right" of the assembly in Pierre Victor, baron Malouet. Malouet leads the "monarchiens," who seek to create a British-style Parliamentary democracy in France--considerably short of the radical provisions of the furthest left, but in many ways close in tenor and tone to Lafayette.

Seeing themselves increasingly outnumbered, radical factions on both ends of the constituent assembly move to up-end the situation. Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès and abbé Jean-Sifrein Maury represent the further-right members of the second and first estates, respectively, who have not altogether abandoned the legislative body. They push increasingly for the King to take action to create an "intermediary" system of government--one far short of a constitutional monarchy, but with a permanent consultative role for the estates beyond what existed pre-1791.

The left, however, sees a chance to radically up-end the developing concordat between the center factions of the National Constituent Assembly. In late September, led by the revolutionary priest Henri Grégoire, the left factions put forward the "Civil Constitution of the Clergy," which would turn the Catholic Church in France into a body wholly subservient to the government, seize all of its land, effectively destroy monasticism and institute a system of elected priests and bishops. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy rapidly begins to cleave the center asunder, as much of Lafayette's faction is broadly supportive while the Malouet faction remains religiously conservative in its outlook. The established lines are further blurred when the Abbe Sieyes, so far one of the leading radicals of this period of reform and no great fan of the sclerotic Church hierarchy, comes out in opposition to the proposed legislation. Ultimately, the Civil Constitution is scheduled for a vote in early October, as the King looks on in trepidation at what could potentially be the most egregious act by the National Constituent Assembly yet.

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Early Fall 1791

As main measures are being debated, another key item of debate arises.... where the Assembly shall be formally be located? Many in Assembly fear that staying outside of Paris is cutting them off from their vital support base. They soon pass a measure to relocated the assembly in Paris as soon as possible ,as means limit the King's ability to influence the assembly directly.

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The Veto Crisis

Fall, 1791

The relocation of the Constituent Assembly puts the body hastily in the heart of the seething mass of revolutionary fervor. While the clear moderate majority was able to breathe easily in Versailles--or at least, breathe with equal fear of both royalist and insurrectionary violence--now that the body has assembled in the Hotel de Ville in the center of Paris, the radicals are in the ascendance. Jeers, harangues and projectiles rain down on outright conservatives and monarchiens alike from the galleries. While Lafayette is able to command the respect of the majority of the body and of the educated classes, which have all heard of his exploits in the Southern Netherlands, the commoners see him as just another noble ponce standing between them and their demands.

Through a combination of intimidation and disgust, then, the emerging anti-Civil Constitution majority is thrown into chaos and disarray. Outright conservatives begin to abandon the body in droves, and the center-right monarchiens find that their center-left erstwhile allies have abandoned them for fear of their own persecution. Lafayette quickly realizes he is losing command of the Constituent Assembly, and decides that the best way to shape events is to embrace them. While previously willing to forego the Civil Constitution in the interest of forming a workable centrist majority, Lafayette moves to embrace the far-left's proposal to ensure that he has enough votes to continue commanding the loyalty of the majority of the body--though there have yet to be any formal "votes of confidence," and the legitimacy of his position as First Minister rests on an unclear balance of royal prerogative and legislative support, he is unwilling to risk his role.

The Constituent Assembly thus passes the Civil Constitution of the Clergy by a vote of 486-282, with the majority of the 432 "abstentions" coming from representatives who have already abandoned the legitimacy of the entire body and decamped from Paris. Though this means that the Constituent Assembly has passed the vote by a majority of those present, and commandingly so, it technically has not passed the majority of the elected representatives of the body.

The King seizes upon this fact to follow through on his royal prerogative, and he refuses to sign the legislation. What follows is the first "constitutional" crisis of the new regime, though a constitution is still only in its drafting stages. The King's failure to sign is seized upon by the left wing as proof of his unwillingness to abide by the virtues of popular sovereignty, and they demand a new vote to overcome his "veto." However, his allies in the body--and the core around Lafayette that still clings to hope of a compromise--maintain that the King has not formally vetoed anything yes, he has simply not enacted it. A series of entreaties from the body, led by Lafayette himself, implore the King to sign the document in the name of unity. Eventually, the King is hounded into relenting--but not before he declares that he cannot sign the document until he receives word from Rome that the Civil Constitution of the Clergy is acceptable to the Roman Pontiff.

Thus, in early December the King sends notice to the Vatican that he is being forced the legislative body to enact these laws, and asks for the Holy Father's permission to sign the legislation. An answer is not expected until the early part of 1792, and the National Constituent Assembly goes into the Noeltide break awaiting word from Rome. While it has bought a temporary period of reprieve, the radicals use the hungry and cold winter season to stir up the urban masses in the city. The King delays, hems and haws, they claim, as the people of France yearn for action and liberation. The royal family, indeed, prioritizes the well-being of fat and lazy bishops over the people of France, the oppressed nuns and monks enslaved by their religious orders and the farmers who toil for the Church's coffers. Meanwhile, the royalists around the King, especially his brother's developing court-in-internal exile, begin to fume and openly clamor for the violent suppression of the rabble once and for all.

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Late December 1791 to Early January 1792

Rumors begin spreading along National Assembly that's the King would rather answer to the Pope then to the people of the France. Many assembly begin to see the high ranking members of the Church and their rich holdings as drag on much needed reforms for the society of France and its economy.

Another dangerous rumors is quickly spreading along the urban centers and the assembly was the fact the King's reactionary brothers and their allies were plotting to take arms against the assembly. In Paris, there are calls for national guard to be organize to protect the Assembly and insure that reactionary forces are dealt with.

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Winter, 1792

In early January, the King receives word from the Pope that, categorically, the Papacy refuses to endorse the Civil Constitution of the Clergy as an assault on the Church's ancient privileges. Attacks on the monastics, the Church's holdings, and the very independence of the Church are all unconscionable. The King is dismayed by the Pontiff's response, but realizes he has no choice but to give into the Assembly's demand. On January 26, 1792, the King gives his assent to the Civil Constitution.

The work of the National Constituent Assembly thus begins in earnest. It demands that all members of the clergy swear an oath of loyalty to France above all and begins moving to dissolve the religious orders. Nearly every Bishop refuses to swear the oath at first, while over 50 percent of the local clergy does the same. Most non-juring priests do so awaiting "clarification" from the Pontiff. The focal points of resistance to the new order are in the southwest, the west (Brittany and the Vendee, especially) and in the east, while priests are most likely to swear loyalty in the immediate vicinity of Paris and in the southeast. The King himself is rumored to have a non-juring priest, the Papal Nuncio, as his personal confessor--as the nuncio is exempt from the requirement, being a diplomatic official.

The Comte d'Artois and the Comte de Provence are finally pushed over the limit by this news. They officially denounce the revolution, declare that their brother has been effectively taken hostage by the rebellious rabble, and decamp for foreign courts. The Comte d'Artois heads for the Southern Netherlands, as his wife, Marie-Antoinette, is the brother of the Austrian Emperor. The Comte de Provence, meanwhile, heads for Savoy, the native land of his wife. They urge and encourage all French nobles to withdraw to safety, either to the safety of their estates or, like them, abroad, until France can be restored from its captivity.

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Winter, 1792

In early January, the King receives word from the Pope that, categorically, the Papacy refuses to endorse the Civil Constitution of the Clergy as an assault on the Church's ancient privileges. Attacks on the monastics, the Church's holdings, and the very independence of the Church are all unconscionable. The King is dismayed by the Pontiff's response, but realizes he has no choice but to give into the Assembly's demand. On January 26, 1792, the King gives his assent to the Civil Constitution.

The work of the National Constituent Assembly thus begins in earnest. It demands that all members of the clergy swear an oath of loyalty to France above all and begins moving to dissolve the religious orders. Nearly every Bishop refuses to swear the oath at first, while over 50 percent of the local clergy does the same. Most non-juring priests do so awaiting "clarification" from the Pontiff. The focal points of resistance to the new order are in the southwest, the west (Brittany and the Vendee, especially) and in the east, while priests are most likely to swear loyalty in the immediate vicinity of Paris and in the southeast. The King himself is rumored to have a non-juring priest, the Papal Nuncio, as his personal confessor--as the nuncio is exempt from the requirement, being a diplomatic official.

The Comte d'Artois and the Comte de Provence are finally pushed over the limit by this news. They officially denounce the revolution, declare that their brother has been effectively taken hostage by the rebellious rabble, and decamp for foreign courts. The Comte d'Artois heads for the Southern Netherlands, as his wife, Marie-Antoinette, is the brother of the Austrian Emperor. The Comte de Provence, meanwhile, heads for Savoy, the native land of his wife. They urge and encourage all French nobles to withdraw to safety, either to the safety of their estates or, like them, abroad, until France can be restored from its captivity.

OOC:Mod Note, since the Austria player isn't around I will handle some of their interactions for this post

In early February 1792

With growing unrest within France and external threats from Reactionary forces in Flanders and Savoy, the National Assembly decides France must mobilize its army to defend itself against reactionary forces. They send word to the Austrian and Savoy government's to hand over the two rouge Princes and their reactionary followers. Naturally the Austrians who just shattered a radical revolt in Flanders, reject the request out of hand, same for Savoy and threaten war should the assembly take any actions against the King or his family.

Late February 1792,

National Assembly sees no choice but for the formal mobilization of the French armies and fleets to defend the homeland against a potential invasion of Austrian-Savoy armies to support the reactionary forces.

OOC the French player can adjust his build for 1792
IC
The first acts of the Assembly is to pass a national tax act(30% reduction modify no longer in effect).
Formal creation of Bonds Market( FC) in Paris with the ability to raise 100 points in new loans, the French Government will have the ability to set the interest rate and payment terms( initial terms will be 5% over 40 years).
France will stop all payments to external debts for foreseeable future, as result France will not be able to take out any new external loans ,save for getting loans from client states.
Formal notice for conscription of every able body man for the Army and Navy( OOC: total mobilization of all garrison units and mothball ships)
Formally order the King to relocated his residence at Versailles to Tuileries Palace,Paris. The reason for the order was to prevent the King from escaping to Austria or Savoy or Spain.


Meanwhile in Flanders and Savoy, the Princes and their nobles begin organizing their armies under the protection of Savoy and Austria. So they only recruit and gain less then 4,000 men each.( 4 light infantry regiments worth in each army).

[TLS]

March, 1792

As the wheels of the revolutionary war move into motion, King Louis XVI has finally found his breaking point. He formally announces his intention to veto and declaration of war against his brothers or the others princes du sange--and, in turn, his in-laws in Savoy and Austria. As Sovereign of France, the King declares that he is the final arbiter of whether France fights or pursues peace. The King, who has otherwise shown a distinct lack of backbone or dedication when dealing with the rebellious assembly, decides that the cause of his royal family is the ultimate line to cross.

The National Constituent Assembly, of course, rejects the King's authority out of hand. However, there is no proper guidance on how to legally address the King's threat of veto. While a vague decision to accept the King's veto rights was proposed and accepted, no threshold was reached. The remaining conservatives in the assembly aim to force a detente by arguing in favor of a high barrier--though the war party would likely overcome a simple majority veto, they argue in favor of a higher barrier of 2/3rds or event 3/4ths. The moderates continue to hew to their line of a simple majority override, with some instead conceding a 3/5ths, while the radicals are apoplectic that the King deigns to impose any veto at all.

In the end, the radicals and leftists are able to force a vote on the veto issue in the only way the assembly knows how--by majority vote. With no constitutionally-accepted veto requirement pre-agreed, the radicals are able to force the entire body into a repeated series of votes where a simple majority is sufficient to overturn the veto. This being decided, the King's veto is again overturned, over both his decision to veto a potential war and his reticent to move into the Tulieres Palaces.

The die being cast, the King realizes that there is no choice for him but to either acquiesce to the ruin of his kingdom or to follow his brothers into exile. Studying the example set by Charles I over a hundred years prior, he elects to not throw himself on the mercy of this upstart parliament. On March 15, the King formally declares the National Constituent Assembly dissolved and illegal. He then, escorted by his Life Guard and trusted cavalry, moves to quickly abandon Versailles for the Austrian border--seeking refuge first in the Southern Netherlands and thence, perhaps to His Bourbon Cousins.

[Ottoman]

March 20,1792

As soon as word breaks out of the King's actions. The Assembly reacts with outrage and declares the King's action as treasonous against the nation of France. They quickly send orders to all military units to arrest the King and prevent him from crossing into the frontier with Austria. Lucky for the Assembly, the French army units in Northern France were very pro Republican and aid in the search for the King and his supporters.

Only 20 miles to the frontier with Austrian Flanders, a Republican Infantry company comes across the King and his guards. A fire fight insures, and the guards almost overwhelm the Republican soldiers until the timely arrived of Republican cavalry regiment that shifts the odds in favor the of the Republican troops. The King not willing to see more of his men died, formally surrenders to the troops. Who take him back to Tuileries Palace to place him under house arrest with heavy guard. To await formal trail by the Assembly.

Meanwhile words reaches Austria and Savoy of the French actions against the King. They formally declare war against the radical French regime in Paris on March 26th, 1792.

[Galveston Bay]

The British government states that outside interference in the current troubles in France will be viewed with great concern.   An outright invasion of France will be viewed with even greater concern.

The Elector of Hanover declares that his realm will not be participating in any offensive action against France by the Habsburg family or its possessions

[Kilani]

The Kingdom of Spain is dismayed by the cascade of events, but does not mobilize its army or indicate that it will intervene one way or another. However, guard units along the French frontier are stepped up slightly in order to better keep an eye on the situation.

[TLS]

The Criminal King

Spring and Early Summer, 1792

King Louis XVI's de facto declaration of war against the National Constituent Assembly absolutely destroys the institution's loyalty to the sovereign. Lafayette, after tenuously holding together a broad centrist coalition, sees all of his authority crumble as the radicals are emboldened and anyone with marginally royalist opinions either resigns in protest or is harangued out of the body as a member of the treacherous elite. The radicals, urged on by firebrands like Henri Grégoire, firmly seize control of the Assembly and--supported by mobs from Paris--declare that Louis has vacated the throne through his act of treason.

Stopping just short of declaring a full republic, however, the National Constituent Assembly instead kicks the constitutional question down the road. With the majority of the originally-elected Estates having either resigned, fled or been ejected, and with an uncertain legal mandate, the body votes to hold an election to a successor institution: the Legislative Assembly. This new Assembly is to be elected by all taxpaying citizens from across France by direct election--only a partial chunk of the population, to be sure, but including over 4 million Frenchmen. Elections are slated for September 1 and 2, 1792.

In the run-up to the election, three main camps emerge: the Constitutionalists, the Feuillants, and the Jacobins, the latter two named after the former monasteries that have become their meeting places. The first group is the most moderate, pushing not only for a constitutional monarchy but also the restoration of Louis XVI to the throne. The Feuillants, meanwhile, are agnostic on the monarchy question but largely seem to believe that the throne (or other executive office) should be held by Louis' cousin, "Philippe Égalité", the Duke of Orleans. The Jacobins, finally, are radical republicans almost to a man.

Throughout the election period, the former King and his family are confined to the Tulieres Palace and kept under armed guard. Slowly but surely, their royal privileges are curtailed by the rump National Constituent Assembly that is overseeing the war and other matters of state. While they are still treated with deference by the staff, given wide latitude to move about the palace, and still allocated a hefty budget to pay for the maintenance of their household, the former royals are forbidden from hosting more than a handful of Assembly-approved guests and their communications are watched, monitored and intercepted. Louis, for his part, resigns himself to his new role as prisoner in the Tulieres, and spends most of his time caring for his children and tinkering in his workshop--and, as far as anyone can tell, does not make any attempts to communicate with his exiled brothers, who seethe over the borders at the injustice imposed on their family.

[TLS]

Elections and Victory

September, 1792

The risk to the French nation seemed palpable as the summer dragged on, as declarations of war ushered forth from the great capitals of Central Europe. The King's own brothers based just across the border had solidified under the control small armies of their own, bolstered by the forces of the Austrian crown, the Bourbons of Savoy and the Prussian King. France's armies had been untested by major battle on the European continent since the 1760s, save for a supporting role in Spain's campaign against Gibraltar. Now, after a rapid and rushed mobilization, during which much of France's officer corps had abandoned the army for the embrace of royalist reaction, la nation had seen two quick, large-scale battles in rapid succession on her own soil...and won resoundingly.

Kellermann and Dumouriez, previously unknown middling officers in the French army, were suddenly vaulted to the great Pantheon of national heroes for their valiant victories over the Teutonic forces of imperial vanity. An intoxicating wave of national sentiment, unrealistically buoyed by these strategically inconclusive victories, quickly overtook the body politic just as elections were due to be held on September 1 and 2 for the Legislative Assembly. Rather than a chaotic rabble bringing France to ruin, the news of these military feats seemed to bolster the cause of the more enthusiastically revolutionary parties just on the cusp of the vote. That the King's brothers had so quickly and easily been put to flight was a further dampener for even the Constitutionalists, who were still angling to restore Louis XVI to the throne, as the House of Bourbon's inability to perform militarily was a clear indicator of its ineptitude.

Now, as the results roll in over the first week of September, slowly tabulated in light of the 4 million votes cast, it becomes readily apparent that the election has provided a decisive victory for those looking to leave the Bourbons in the dust heap. Constitutionalist candidates, expected to do well in the run-up to the vote, are barely able to scrape by with a million votes, going neck-and-neck with the far more radical Jacobins. Royalist fervor has hardly been expunged from France, but the outbreak of war means that most conservative partisans of the Bourbon family have instead abandoned the constitutional process and instead are turning their back on the whole revolutionary state entirely, running government-aligned priests out of town, refusing to pay taxes to Paris, and instead calling for the restoration of Louis XVI by force. The comparably meek Constitutionalists are unable to capture this energy, and instead perform best with the petty gentry.

The real winners who emerge are the Feuillants, the moderately Royalist but highly reformist party that has been built up around Bernard Germain de Lacépède, a freemason and naturalist orator, and Philippe-Egalite, the Duke of Orleans--the only member of the extended Bourbon family to have enthusiastically embraced the revolutionary ethos, going so far as to rename himself and refusing to use his title in public. Votes for the Feuillants outpace the other two parties combined, and the seat totals reflect this dominance: out of the 745 seats in the Legislative Assembly, the Feuillants take 363, with the Jacobins taking 182 and the Constitutionalists 205. Though the Feuillants are unable to muster a clear majority in the house, thanks in part due to Constitutionalist overperformance in many royalist strongholds and Jacobin strength in the cities, they are clearly in the driving seat as the fall approaches. Not only will the Feuillants be in charge of shaping the contours of France's first written constitution, they will also be in charge of directing the war effort against France's enemies--both foreign and domestic.

[TLS]

The Citizen King

Fall 1792 - Winter 1793

The elation of military successes over the summer – followed by a less dramatic, but still notable seizure of Nice in the fall – quickly gives way to fears over the imminent retaliation of Europe’s other powers. The Austrians and their allies, to be sure, had been pushed back from their initial invasions, but as time goes on France begins to grapple with the costs of waging what is being seen as a new form of warfare. Mass mobilization on a scale never seen before in France goes underway, but French coffers are shortly exhausted. By the time that the 1793 Budget is unveiled, it is clear that France’s economic resources have reached their natural limit—particularly in light of the loss of Louisiana to Spanish occupation and Saint-Domingue to slave rebellion.

These dire economic straits force the Legislative Assembly to consider a number of economically necessary decisions, but they drive a stake into the heart of conservative and moderate factions of the body. Seizing the initiative, the radical Jacobins put forth a plan to quickly secularize all French church landholdings – in line with the Constitution of the Clergy, but which had been slowly enacted through 1792 out of fears of civil unrest and, frankly, an inability of the French state to enforce the edicts. While the Constitutionalists vehemently oppose the move, the Feuillants endorse it without much reluctance; most of them, after all, are rational men of the Enlightenment.

The Feuillants, in turn, bring an altogether unanticipated proposal to the Legislative Assembly on whether to sell Saint-Domingue to the United Kingdom. Advocates note that the war taking place is unwinnable for France as she tries to fight off her enemies, the colony has rapidly become a net-drain on Frances resources and the rebels of Saint-Domingue will be unsatisfied with anything less than being granted the status of full Frenchmen. While some of the most radical Jacobins are willing to entertain that motion, and a somewhat larger group of deputies hold abolitionist sentiments, the majority of the Legislative Assembly would be aghast at the prospect of enfranchising slaves on the same level as Frenchmen. The Feuillant proposal is tabled in the short term, but a delegation is sent to London to work out potential terms.

Finally, on the constitutional question – that is, whether to restore Louis XVI to the throne, to appoint Philippe-Egalite as head of a new dynasty, or to declare a Republic – the Feuillants, the Orleanist faction, continue to hammer the case for their candidate. Louis’ reputation is further sullied by the defeat of his brothers on the battlefield and the inability of the Austrian crown to restore him to the throne by force. Seeing the writing on the wall, the Constitutionalists are backed into a corner; they fear the threat of a republic, and particularly for the safety of Louis, and believe that an Orleanist king is better than no king at all. By mid-February 1793, the political coalitions align and Philippe is elected “Philippe VII, King of the French.” The Jacobin deputies, furious at this betrayal of revolutionary principles, harangue and harass the newly-elected King as he moves to accept the title. Antoine Barnave, the leader of the Feuillants and thus now the Chief Minister, orders the most rowdy Jacobins remove, resulting in a mass walkout of Jacobin deputies.

While France now has a king, it is clear that the constitutional issue is far from settled.

[TLS]

The Royal Republic

Spring – Fall 1793

Though King Philippe establishes himself early in the year thanks to the support of the Legislative Assembly, the House of Egalite (as the House of Orleans has rebranded itself, in the style of its patriarch) is on shaky ground as the year goes on. The tumultuous forces that propelled Philippe to power at the expense of his cousin are far more loyal to the idea of a constitutional monarchy than to the monarch himself – and even that is a stretch for a substantial chunk of the Assembly that elected him.

The early part of the year is somewhat productive, in that a number of key constitutional reforms are enacted. The old provinces are swept away and replaced by departments, a rationalized system of Enlightenment government, and all internal tariff, customs and legal barriers are swept away, to be replaced by a system of Intendants, appointed by the Assembly, to administer the departments. A constitutional drafting committee is empowered to move towards a permanent constitution for the Kingdom, now that a new monarch has been selected. Most interestingly, as French victories continue to rack up and the frontiers of French administration push even deeper into Europe, debates about the permanent fate of these territories become front-and-center, ranging from “merely” replacing the royal families to outright annexation into the French state.

The series of bloody but impressive victories through the Spring and Summer, particularly in Italy and the Low Countries, do much to bolster the new government, but seething tensions below the surface leave Paris in a state of constant disarray. The sale of Saint-Domingue to the British, while endorsed by the Assembly and necessary for the equipping of the French armies, is viewed as an immense betrayal by the merchant classes that had previously tacitly endorsed the constitutional project. Particularly along the Atlantic coast, the major trading houses of Bordeaux and Brest seethe at the loss of extensive holdings and trade with the New World, both with Saint-Domingue and with Louisiana, now in a state of de facto rebellion. The skyrocketing price of sugar, in turn, affects the entire French middle, upper and even lower classes, a noticeable and highly visible piece of evidence that life is deteriorating.

The new regime's close ties with London are, indeed, noticed by many and all as a fundamental weakness in the establishment. Though many of the liberal bourgeoisie who backed the regime, and make up much of the Legislative Assembly, have engorged their intellects on the myriad tracts about the superiority of the British system of constitutional government, this theoretical affinity for Albionite governance flies straight into the face of Gallic pride. From all sides, Philippe's government is assailed for its weak-kneed handling of British actions. The Legitimists, the large conservative wing of the nobility, are able to make up some of their lost prestige by arguing that Louis and the Bourbons would never have engaged in this level of perfidy. This goes some way towards redeeming the reputation of the old royal family, which had declined of late thanks to the Legitimists taking up arms alongside Austrian and Prussian forces to try and overthrow the revolutionary government. The radicals, meanwhile, exhorted on by the Jacobins and other near-anarchic factions, point to the shame brought to France by these close ties as proof that the entire monarchist project is a foreign imposition on the nation – the Bourbons were in bed with Austria and Spain, the Egalitists with England – and that only a true Republic, in the vein of that established by the crushed Dutch rebellion, could restore France to glory.

Philippe's short-lived honeymoon period is decisively dashed when the Austrian armies threaten to destroy Paris in late Summer, early Fall. The hastily-assembled National Guard, though commanded by the temperamentally moderate Lafayette, is riven to the core by radical elements seething at the prospect of foreign invasion. Unruly bands of the Guard establish a reign of near-terror on the streets of Paris, with tarring, feathering and public shaming of alleged Austrian sympathizers becoming a daily and widespread occurrence. Within the Assembly, the Feuillant majority is whittled away by the defection of the merchants and coastal bourgeoisie, leaving the balance of power in the hands of the Radicals. The emptying of the city of trained soldiers leaves the beleaguered garrison troops barely able to keep feuding bands of Guardsmen and mobs apart, and are unable to truly secure any of the key institutions of the city.

To wit, on October 10, in the lead-up to the Battle of Verdun, a series of concerted attacks by mobs and sympathetic Guardsmen make a move on the institutions of state. The Legislative Assembly, by now relocated to the Salle du Manège, a riding hall to the west of the Tulieres, is overrun by a mob in the midst of deliberations – with radical leaders with Georges Danton and Maximilien Robespierre exhorting them on. The radicals, in turn, use the braying and vitriolic mob to cow the Assembly into submission as it proposes a series of symbolic measures: the seizure of all Church property, the seizure of all property held by noble families with ties to those who have emigrated abroad and demanding that King Philippe and his family move into the Tulieres – joining the Assembly and Monarchy at the hip both constitutionally and physically.

This, in turn, leads to the question of what is to happen to the current inhabitants of the Tulieres: the old royal family. Louis and his family have spent 1793 seeing their privileges steadily stripped away – their honor guard replaced, their staff severely curtailed, their access to the outside world constricted. By no means are they mistreated, but they are clearly prisoners in all but name. The Radicals, therefore, move to make the subtext into text and issue a formal indictment of the former King, now merely Citizen Louis Capet, for treason. Citing his flight to the Austrian border, the presence of his brothers in the armies waging war against France, and the impending threat of assault on Paris, the Assembly orders that the Capets be thrown out of the Tulieres and imprisoned in the arch-representative of the Bourbon state: the Bastille.

When King Philippe hurriedly arrives in the Assembly, summoned both by his allies in the body and the threat of mobs taking him by force, he is thus presented with a decisive inflection point. Though Philippe had deftly navigated the currents of the Revolution to take the throne, he had been able to often justify his actions by appeals to stability and the good of the nation. To his other family members, and potentially even to himself, he had argued that his actions against his cousins were ultimately to preserve them as well. Why let the mob decide the fate of his family, when he could step up and intercede on their behalf? However, when ultimately presented with the enraged passions of the mob, Philippe shows himself to be either as self-serving, or as craven, as his slanderers had always assumed. Rather than attempt to stay the Assembly's hand and save his cousin from imprisonment, he quickly issues his assent – and the mob goes off to storm the Tulieres.

Lafeyette has, by this time, caught wind of the game afoot and rides quickly with his most loyal Guardsmen to oversee the arrest. Chaos ensues, with a cacophony of shouting, jeers, songs and destruction coinciding at the palace. The undermanned palace guards, though no longer the devoutly loyal Swiss Guards, attempt to stall the mob as it moves to sweep over the property. In the ensuing scuffle, shots ring out, and pandemonium and violence threaten to sweep the Capets away into the orgy of violence. Lafeyette, in turn, leads his men in a shock charge into the palace – with him and his closest officers charging the crowd on horseback. They eventually shock, cow and fight their way through to a back room in the palace, where a group of violently inebriated guardsmen, affiliated with the mob, are attempting to knock down a door. Cutting the guardsmen down, Lafayette opens the door to see the former King at the ready, with two pistols in hand, his family cowering behind him. Clearly relieved to see the face of the Major-General of the National Guard, rather than a bloodthirty mob, Louis relents and is whisked away through back alleys to a carriage bound for the Bastille.

Hours later, after the mob has burned through and ransacked the palace, King Philippe arrives at what is to be his new home. Tens of bodies drape the grounds and the floors, being pulled aside and piled up by his Royal Guard. What hasn't been taken by the mob is swept away by his courtiers, and all look on in silence (save the wailing of the wounded) as the King morosely moves to occupy his new seat of power. No cheers, nor jeers, greet Philippe as his passes through the palace. Only silence. The mobs, by now burned out of most of their violence, have been replaced by gawking crowds of increasingly inebriated denizens of Paris at the Hotel de Ville or outside the moat of the Bastille, gawping at the idea that, in two short years, Louis had gone from most powerful man in the world to a prisoner of his own dungeon.

News of the victory at Verdun staves off the immediate threat of sacking and cools some of the passions in Paris, but the damage to the reputation of the monarchy is done. The Feuillants remain barely in control of the Assembly, thanks to the fact that the continue to have the favor of the King, but the Radicals are clearly in command of the situation. A series of revolutionary edicts are outlined for the occupied territories in the Low Countries and Italy. All territory seized from the Austrian state in the Southern Netherlands is incorporated directly into France as new departments, and plans are outlined for similar annexation up to the Rhine – including for non-Austrian territory held by other belligerents. In Italy, meanwhile, a series of puppet states are established. The former Republic of Genoa is reorganized as a client republic of France, while the Kingdom of Sardinia sees the territories of Savoy and Nice wrested from it and integrated directly into France. The Bourbons are declared deposed from their territory on the Italian mainland (though the island of Sardinia itself, of course, remains out of France's reach) and a “Kingdom of Piedmont” is declared in its stead, integrating seized Austrian territory around Milan into a state based around the old territory of Piedmont. The “Kingdom,” however, exists only in name, as a puppet legislature is established to enact carbon-copies of French laws and, in lieu of a King, General Kellermann is declared as “Regent” oversee the state. Similar plans are drafted for any other state imminently destined to fall into French hands.

Back in Paris, while Louis and the other Capets are, once again, not kept in abject poverty – contrary to its reputation, the Bastille is used to accommodating nobility and is, rather than a den of torture, more offensive for its age than for its depredations – the writing is clearly on the wall. The King is able to throw up some roadblocks to protect his cousin, insisting on a full legal process, a thorough investigation and other procedural roadblocks designed to soothe the egos of the supposedly-rational lawyers and bourgeoisie who make up the revolutionary state, but as the year draws to a close it is increasingly obvious that, for the second time in as many centuries, Europe is about to see an almost-sacrilegious act: the trial of a monarch.

[Galveston Bay]

January 1794
The British Board of Trade sends notices to French ports that French (and its minor allies) shipping is provided the rights of British shipping as far as rights to trade with all British ports, including British Crown Colonies and dependencies. This includes the Companies under British jurisdiction. The Irish Board of Trade follows suit.

The only restriction is that slave trading ships are not allowed in the ports listed above.

In addition, French shipping may seek protection from British warships if needed.

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